HigH Medieval long-sword froM KlaMoš in tHe Context of ConteMporary deCoration Techniques 1

An amateur metal detector survey conducted in the cadastral territory of Klamoš in 2015/2016 yielded, among other things, a well-preserved long-sword. Based on the typo-chronological analysis, the sword can be classified as an Oakeshott Type XIIIa, J, 2, and dated to the course of the 14th c. A conservation-restoration survey revealed remains of maker’s marks on the blade and, mainly, rich pommel decoration that is thus far unique. The latter is further discussed in detail in terms of a both formal evaluation and the applied decoration technology, the identification of which has been based on a detailed survey of the weapon and experimental work. A metallographic examination of the blade was finally omitted due to its compact preservation.

is today divided between three large territorial administrative units, but during the high medieval to Modern-age periods belonged mostly to the region of Hradec Králové, and since the Early Middle Ages was a border zone between Central Bohemia and East Bohemia. The strategic role of the area is also evidenced by early mentions in written sources, for example, in connection with the invasion of Poles along the Cidlina River in 1110, when the village of Lučice is mentioned (Musil 2009b, 229). An important 'Polish' (Kłodzko) road also passed through Dolní Pocidliní, which was probably divided into several branches in the area around the confluence of the Cidlina and Bystřice rivers and the adjoining Urbanická brána (cf. Musil 2009a, 165, 171 -173). The connections and significance of the area around Chlumec nad Cidlinou in the Early Middle Ages are also indicated by the denarius hoard from the late 10 th c. recently discovered near Chýště (Nekvapil 2016).
The village of Klamoš, situated north of the place of discovery, is first mentioned in 1356 in connection with Heřman of Klamoš (Profous 1949, 229). The first mention of a fortified house in the village comes from 1397 (RT I, 571;Sedláček 1887, 297). At the end of the 14 th c., Klamoš was the centre of an aristocratic estate, which included several surrounding villages or their parts (e.g. Sedláček 1887, 297). The demise of the fortified house is then associated with the annexation of Klamoš into the neighbouring estate in Chlumec nad Cidlinou in 1521 (Křížek/ Řezník 1992, 40;Sedláček 1887, 297). The village of Rtanov, mentioned since the end of the 14 th c., was located northwest of Klamoš. The village was first mentioned as abandoned in 1571; despite its renewal, it is again described in the Chlumec land register as deserted in 1670 (Kuča 1995, 187;Roubík 1959, 100;Žohová 2017, 129). Nové Město, first mentioned in 1397 (RT I, 572), is located north of Klamoš. The development of this settlement complex is connected with neighbouring Chlumec nad Cidlinou (Žohová 2017, 130 -133). A record from 1439 mentions the existence of a manor house as well as town status (RT I,109). The village of Chýšť, situated east of Klamoš, is mentioned in written sources since 1368 (Kapras 1907, 56).
South of Klamoš is the village of Újezd (near Přelouč), which is mentioned as early as 1299 as a part of the Hradiště domain (Profous/ Svoboda 1957, 427). Today's northeast and structurally separated part of the village was apparently originally an independent village of Ostrovnice -as indicated by the name of both the local pond and the adjacent land -first mentioned in 1397 (Roubík 1959, 115, 116;RT I, 571). The defunct village of Jistřice, mentioned also in 1397 (Roubík 1959, 99;RT I, 571), was situated between Liplesy, Újezd and Klamoš, at the crossroads by the ponds between Klamoš and Přepychy. As early as 1337, the neighbouring village of Přepychy is mentioned as a property belonging to the Hradišťko Castle (Profous 1951, 468). The Hradišťko manor, held by the Rosenberg family since the mid-1330s and consisting of two towns and more than 20 villages (Šimák 1938, 357 -360), also included the nearby village of Vápno, first mentioned in 1337 (Profous/ Svoboda 1957, 477).
For the immediate vicinity of the place of discovery, we lack direct evidence of possible military activities with which the loss of the sword could hypothetically be connected. From the end of the first quarter of the 14 th c., we have mentions of damage to the property of Dětoch of Třebelovice, owner of Hradišťko, Žiželice and some surrounding villages, caused by his neighbours; e.g. by esquires (zemani in Czech) of Zachrašťany and Kratonohy (Sedláček 1887, 293). A record from 1425 mentions that the Hussite army conquered a fortified house  indistinctly outlined depression. Conservation of the sword revealed decoration on the pommel that became the subject of a material and technological analysis conducted at the Institute of Archaeology in Brno. The whole pommel surface is decorated by crescents and equilateral crosses originally inlaid with non-ferrous metal. Traces of the inlay material were also detected in the depressions in the middle of the central discs (Fig. 4). The total weight of the weapon reaches 1395 g, with a point of balance about 115 mm below the crossguard.

Typo-chronological analysis
The sword is equipped with a relatively flat blade that can be, on the basis of its main features, classified as Oakeshott Type XIIIa, which dates from the late 13 th to the early 15 th c. (e.g. Aleksić 2007, 84;Głosek 1984, 28;Oakeshott 1964, 42 -47;2002a, 95). Type XIIIa blades were those used for newly developed long-swords, but at the same time belonged to the most widespread types of blades in the given period of time. However, these blades still appeared at the end of the 15 th c., when they became characteristic of magistrates' swords. In individual cases, however, similarly shaped blades could still be used for longswords from the first half of the 16 th c. Their great popularity, especially during the 14 th c., can also be demonstrated on material registered from the territory of today's Czech Republic, where 53 Type XIIIa blades have been documented so far; this represents about half of all long-sword blades from the period recorded to date (Hošek/Košta /Žákovský 2020). This is consistent with the situation in other European regions (Aleksić 2007, 84;Głosek 1984, 28).
The crossguard of the weapon can be positively classified as an Oakeshott Type 2, which is characterised by slight expansion of straight quillons, which often have chamfered edges and hence an essentially octagonal cross-section (Oakeshott 1964, 114), as is also the case of the sword from Klamoš. Crossguards of this type were used in the construction of weapons virtually across the entire high-and late-medieval period, but are characteristic especially of 14 th c. long-swords.
The pommel can be assigned to Oakeshott Type J (Oakeshott 1964, 96), which belongs among massive round pommels with bevelled to concave sidewalls and central discs. These pommels undoubtedly developed from flatter round-shaped specimens, which apparently appeared in some regions of Europe as early as the 12 th c. For example, ten short, mostly richly decorated swords with circular pommels come from the 11 th to 12 th c. necropolis at Rikalanmäki, Finland, generally associated with the Nordic crusades, and excavated in the early 1950s under the direction of Jorma Leppäaho (Mäntylä 2007, 303 -305, fig. 5). After all, a total of 40 swords with round pommels generally dating back to the 12 th c. are registered from the territory of Finland (e.g. Leppäaho 1964, 58 -61, pl. 27, 28;Peirce 2002, 134, 135;Tomanterä 1978, 23, 61). Although many of them do not come from well-dated contexts, and their dating is, therefore, questionable, they form the basis for dating similar specimens from other countries of western Europe (Oakeshott 2002a, 28, 34).
However, circular pommels with straight or concave sidewalls and central discs undoubtedly gained ground in the construction of swords as late as the early 13 th c., when they became one of the most used and most popular types of pommels on both short-and long-swords until the beginning of the 15 th c. (Oakeshott 1964, 95, 96). This fact can be demonstrated, again, at least on the material recorded thus far from Czech territory. A total of 215 swords from the 12 th to 15 th c. are still fitted with a pommel; of these, 112 specimens have a pommel of circular or oval form, i.e., 52% (Hošek/Košta/Žákovský 2020). The pommel of the Klamoš sword has a regular circular shape, markedly concave sidewalls and quite distinctly delimited central discs; the thickness of the pommel only slightly narrows towards the upper base. These are the characteristic features that allow us to assign the pommels to the Oakeshott Type J (e.g. Oakeshott 1964, 96). For the time being, apart from the sword from Klamoš, a total of 18 Type J pommels have been registered thus far from Czech territory, most of which were used on 14 th to early 15 th c. long-swords. Of course, in the case of solitary finds, we are unable to comment on the type of sword that was originally used.
As can be seen from the Tab. 1, Type J pommels were used mainly for long-swords equipped with relatively long and wide blades of Type XIIIa and mostly crossguards of Type 1 and, especially, Type 2, the quillons of which are straight. Moreover, the find from Klamoš is also classified as a Type XIIIa, j, 2, sword. Hence, we are dealing with a weapon, which by its overall character corresponds to swords of Family C, the occurrence of which is generally dated from the end of the 13 th to the 14 th c. (Oakeshott 2002a, 12). Long-swords of this type are very widespread and, one can even say, typical of the given period of time; therefore, it does not make sense to list individual analogies here. 3 Noteworthy, at least, are two typologically analogous finds from the region of East Bohemia: a sword from Choceň (Hošek/ Košta /Žákovský 2019, cat. no. 34; Žákovský 2009, 514, 515) and a sword from Žampach Castle (Hošek/Košta / Žákovský 2019, cat. no. 265; Žákovský 2009, 509 -514).

Decoration of the sword
The conservation survey and treatment of the sword revealed pommel decoration that was subsequently subjected to a detailed material and technological analysis. Based on the obtained results, a hypothesis about a possible employed technique was postulated and subsequently also verified by experimental production of the most accurate copy of the pommel.
In general, pommels were one of the main components of medieval swords, and due care was taken in their production. From the swordsmith's point of view, it was also important that the pommel provided space for decoration, which could significantly increase the attractiveness of the manufactured weapon. we must realise that swords were worn in scabbards most of the time and, therefore, the hilt was the only visible part of the weapon representing its owner -of course, if we leave aside any decoration of the weapon's scabbard. Compared to early medieval swords, however, we encounter richly decorated hilts of high and late medieval swords much less frequently. This fact can probably be connected directly to the onset of the mass production of swords, which was stimulated mainly by the mass use of mechanisation -especially water-powered hammers -in the production of their blades. Thanks to this, swords undoubtedly became, especially from the 14 th c. on, common weapons across the entire social spectrum, as their acquisition costs dropped significantly compared to previous periods. Swords ceased to be the exclusive property of members of the then elites, and in most cases, therefore, probably no emphasis was placed on the possible representativeness of the weapons as before. This, of course, did not apply to weapons intended for the top of society at the time. In the aristocratic environment, the sword was still understood as one of the basic status symbols, although from the 14 th c. it is possible to observe a partial emptying of its symbolic meaning, or its symbolic perception in the lower social classes (cf. Hošek/Košta /Žákovský 2020).
Therefore, during the High and Late Middle Ages, swords as one of the basic representative elements of the nobility, were usually given due attention in the aristocratic environment, albeit to a much lesser extent compared to the previous period. After all, it was decoration that distinguished these swords from common utilitarian weapons. There are also a number of written reports of Czech provenance mentioning decorated swords. Already in the Chronicle of the Czechs (written by Cosmas of Prague), we read about a 'golden hilt of the sword' (zlatém jílci meče; Hrdina 1950, 128). According to Cosmas, this sword was owned at the end of the 11 th c. by Beneda -an influential leader in Bohemia during the reign of Vratislaus II (Šimůnek 2013, 298;Wihoda 2007, 21). we have many more records of swords decorated in this way from the 15 th and 16 th c. The records mention, for example, 'silver swords' (mečích stříbrných; KP IV, 248, no. 1125), 'swords with silver' (mečích se stříbrem; KP VII, 66, no. 393), 'gilded swords' (korduláčích pozlatitých; Winter 1892, 811) and 'gilded silver swords' (mečích stříbrných pozlacených; KP VII,9,no. 49).
During the 16 th c., however, richly decorated swords were already available to wealthier burghers, who in this way tried to imitate the lifestyle of the nobility (e.g. Macek 1998, 245). For example, in 1515, a 'sword with silver' (meč se stříbrem) is mentioned in the estate of the burgher J. Bzenecký from Kutná Hora (Šimek J. 1907, 56). According to another will, a 'sword with silver' was also owned by J. šentigar, a pharmacist from Kutná Hora; according to the inventory from 1584, this sword would have hung on a wall in his chamber (Šimek J. 1907, 63), etc.
As follows from Tab. 2, similar pommel decoration appears mainly on a specific type of long-sword provided with a Type XIIIa massive long blade, a Type 2 crossguard with straight quillons and a Type K or J pommel of circular or slightly oval shape and markedly concave sidewalls. Most of these swords are dated mainly to the first half of the 14 th c. (Aleksić 2007, 57;Głosek 1984, 54;Sijarić 2014, 101;Żabiński 2017, 175), but they undoubtedly remained in circulation until the end of the century.
Metric and shape similarities suggests that most of these weapons could hypothetically have been produced in a relatively short period of time, thus reflecting a certain fashion wave. In addition, swords of this type are connected by many small details. The first of them is the fact that a large percentage of these weapons are equipped with a decorative button (washer) on the top of a pommel. Also, makers' marks, which can most likely be associated with the production centre in Passau, Bavaria, are encountered on blades of these swords with increased frequency. This could suggest that many of these weapons might have been made as part of a bulk order and intended, for instance, for Christian warriors immediately threatened by the gradual expansion of Turks in the Balkans. This hypothesis could also be supported by the increased occurrence of these swords in southeastern Europe (Fig. 5).
As mentioned above, swords with pommels decorated with different variants of crosses were, in the past, attributed to warriors participating in the raids of the Teutonic Order into the Baltics, but in this area, these weapons are relatively rare. A higher concentration of these weapons can be traced thus far in East germany and Pomerania (Fig. 5;Żabiński 2017, 175). Data on the frequency of these weapons in both of the regions can be considered reliable, as research on medieval swords is roughly at the same level in both of these areas. However, we will probably never be able to definitively answer the question of whether the numbers of these weapons can really be evidence of some larger and intentional orders or rather the result of a fashion wave. what is certain in any case is that the crosses on the pommels had an apotropaic function, as did the crosses on sword blades. They were to protect the wielder of the weapon and were at the same time a form of confession of the faith. However, attributing all swords with a similar decorative concept directly to the participants in the Crusades or even members of knightly orders is at least courageous. It is logical that both the events and involvement of knightly orders most likely had an impact on both the iconography and the decorative motifs applied to swords (cf. Michalak 2011). 4 In many cases, the crosses located in the middle of central discs can be supplemented with smaller crosses on both the side and concave walls of the pommel. This is how, for example, a non-localised sword held in the collections of the Deutsche Historisches Museum in Berlin is decorated (Głosek 1984, cat. no. 192;Müller/Kölling 1984, 364, cat. no. 23). A similarly decorated non-localised weapon is held in the collections of the National Museum in šabac (Шабац), west Serbia (Fig. 6: 1;Aleksić 2007, cat. no. 247;Milutinović 2005, 112, 113, pl. 1). Small greek crosses also decorate the sidewall of a pommel of a long sword from the Croatian site of Stari grad (Fig. 6: 3;Aleksić 2007, cat. no. 242;Milosavljević 1993, 23, cat. no. 2;Nedeljković 1990, 17, cat. no. 2;Petrović 1977, 130;1996, 160 -161, fig. 13;2006, 92) and Lopyan (Dimitrov 2002, 223, 224), the pommel of a sword from the Polish site of Przydatki (Głosek 1973, 146, cat. no 2007, cat. no. 242;Nedeljković 1990, 17, cat. no. 2;Milosavljević 1993, 23, cat. no. 2;Petrović 1977, 130;1996, 160, 161, fig. 13

Rich geometric decoration and inscription ENRICS DX NERICS
Głosek 1984, cat. no. 189;Müller/Kölling 1984, 364, cat. no. 25;Post 1918Post -19201929, 247, fig. 1: c;Wegeli 1902Wegeli -1905 Głosek 1973, cat. no. 63;1984, cat. no. 380;Nadolski 1978, 38, cat. no  The sword from Klamoš can also be assigned to this small group of weapons, even though its overall decorative concept differs in a number of details. The punched and inlaid crescents appear on the entire surface of the pommel, including the concave walls, which is unique thus far. On the central discs, the crescents alternate in irregular intervals with small greek crosses, surrounding the central decorative motif, which is no longer preserved. However, in the case of the sword from Klamoš, this central motif did not take the form of a cross, but a decorative element that is difficult to interpret today. Both surfaces of the central discs are provided with indistinctly delimited, asymmetrically placed depressions of a roughly circular outline (Fig. 7).
we frequently encounter similar depressions on sword pommels, especially during the 14 th and 15 th c. They appear mainly on octagonal, oval and, to a lesser extent, also circular pommels. 5 Although these 5 In the set of swords from the territory of today's Czech Republic, this form of decoration appears on a total of 37 specimens, of which 13 represent octagonal pommels of Type I 1 , for which this decoration is typical (Hošek/Košta /Žákovský 2019, cat. no. 2, 11, 90, 236, 273, 275, 278, 294, 306, 348, 388, 396, 403). In six cases, it appears on flat octagonal pommels of Type g 3 , thus essentially on all specimens documented thus far (Hošek/Košta /Žákovský 2019, cat. no. 8, 118, 176, 264, 395, 424  depressions may have been an individual decorative element, in most cases they were supplemented with additional decoration. This is also indicated by the material from Czech territory, where at least 19 specimens have remains of relief decoration in the form of geometric shapes, simply punched circular points, etc. (Hošek/Košta /Žákovský 2019: cat. no. 11, 45, 48, 84, 90, 176, 236, 245, 264, 269, 273, 275, 306, 343, 347, 385, 388, 392, 403). However, the decorative motif could also take a specific form such as a rosette, star, sun or cross (e.g. Głosek 1984, 155, cat. no. 233;Hošek/Košta/Žákovský 2019, cat. no. 45, 388;Kotowicz/ Glinianowicz 2011, 205 -207;Małowiecki 1989, 130 -134;Marek 2014, 54, 55, fig. 20;Oakeshott 2002a, 93). The relief decoration of such depressions could hypothetically also be highlighted by non-ferrous coating/ lining. Similarly highlighted makers' marks are encountered as early as during the 14 th and 15 th c. on, e.g. axes or, somewhat later, on crossbow cranequins, though unfortunately, we do not yet know how such a coating/lining was achieved (Fig. 8). For the time being, however, we lack clear evidence for the use of the technique on sword hilts. with some reservations, its use could be assumed in the case of the pommel of a sword which reportedly might have been the one formerly hanging above the tomb of Edward of woodstock (also known as the Black Prince). However, it cannot be ruled out that what we see on the pommel today is a later application associated with the renovation of the weapon (e.g. Oakeshott 2002a, 144, 145). In many cases, inserts -whether made of organic material, enamel or non-ferrous metal -were applied to central disc depressions, but it must be noted that such inserts have survived on high medieval swords in only very exceptional cases, which is especially true for archaeological finds. Coins, contemporary or antique, could also have been used as inserts; as they were decorative on their own, it made the manufacture's work easier (Cognot 2002, 114 -120;Oakeshott 2002a, 138;Withers 2006, 13). However, most of the inserts were presumably made specifically for pommels and their more or less rich decoration was based on motifs closely related to the original ceremonial function of these weapons (Baumann 2010, 399). Let us mention at least one of the ceremonial swords of the city of Bristol, whose pommel bears an insert with an engraved merchant ship entering a port, which undoubtedly refers to the original significance of the local trading port (Barrett 2017, 29 -32, 134 -136).
Based on the hitherto known material from the territory of the Czech Republic, it can be said that all depressions lacking decoration in relief had a more or less flat bottom and perpendicular sidewall(s). The only exception in this respect is the sword from Klamoš, on whose pommel the discussed depressions have a markedly concave bottom. The conservation survey that was performed revealed that, most likely, the entire inside surface of these depressions was originally lined with a non-ferrous metal. This fact led us to consider the original appearance of the applied decoration. The first option is that the lined depression was perceived as a decoration on its own, as the shining depression formed the central point of the entire pommel decoration (Fig. 15: 4, 5). However, we also cannot rule out the possibility that both the manner of applying the non-ferrous metal and the final appearance of this decorative element were much more complex. with regard to the lining of the inner surface, one can consider whether inserts made of a transparent material, e.g. glass or -perhaps -rock crystal, were originally applied in these depressions, or to at least into one of them. However, it must be admitted that, given the relatively small dimensions of the depression, roughly 12 -13 mm in diameter, it is difficult to assume that the manufacturer would expect a significant improvement in the optical effect. Even if this hypothetical transparent insert had a significantly convex front surface, it would probably not be possible to amplify the contrasting colour of the lined depression due to its small dimensions. However, such an insert could be used as a transparent cover over any small object that could have been placed in the depression. The question is how such a non-metallic cover would be attached to the pommel. One of the possibilities is that originally the pommel was in the place of the depression provided with a thin iron rim into which a cover of glass or stone could be set. Such a rim could easily be brazed onto the pommel during the process of inlaying (Fig. 15: 5).
In the case of using a transparent insert as a cover, one can primarily consider the sealing of a small relic, whereby the pommel would essentially become a reliquary. After all, we also learn about the sealing of various relics into the pommels of swords, and thus about the significant sacralisation of such weapons, from medieval written sources (Flori 2008, 86;Huynh 2011, 86;Scalini 2007, 43). However, only a few surviving swords bearing a sealed relic are known from the world's collections. we can mention here, for example, a luxurious mid-14 th c. Type XIV, k, 7,  Fig. 9. The hilt of a sword, reportedly from the surroundings of Toulouse, whose pommel is provided with a rockcrystal insert under which a tiny relic is sealed (according to Reverseau 1982, fig. 28). sword reportedly from a tomb discovered in the vicinity of Toulouse. The hilt components of the sword are plated with a gilded silver foil, and the central recess of the pommel is provided with a rock-crystal cover by which a relic in the form of a fabric fragment is allegedly sealed into the pommel. The knightly character of the weapon is clearly emphasised by a motto engraved on one of the blade surfaces and extolling one of the most important knightly virtues, as amended by NULLA DE VIRTUTIBUS TUIS MAJOR CLEMENTIA EST ( Fig. 9; Marek 2017, 91, fig. 167; Oakeshott 2000a, 124; Reverseau 1982, 22 -24, fig. 28).
In many cases, the function of relics could be assumed by gemstone inserts themselves; these could be made of rock crystal, jasper, serpentinite or chalcedony, and we encounter them on sword pommels until the early 16 th c. (e.g. Gilliot 2008, 136;Oakeshott 2002a, 86, 285, 286;Withers 2006, 13). The use of inserts made of these materials, being attributed many symbolic and magical meanings, probably reflects the connection to a specific though rather small group of mostly 14 th to 15 th c. swords whose pommels were made of these minerals (Marek 2017, 91 -95;. The occurrence of swords provided either with inserts or whole pommels of gemstones was not limited to western Europe; in rare cases, we also trace the use of such weapons in the Czech milieu. Of these, the only surviving specimen is the coronation sword of the kings of Bohemia fitted with a smoky-quartz pommel as part of the reconstruction of this weapon initiated by Emperor Charles IV (e.g. Bravermanová 2007;Hošek/Košta/Žákovský 2019, cat. no. 195;. Although gemstone inserts have not yet been recorded from Czech territory, knowledge of them in the Czech environment is evidenced, albeit rarely, by written sources. A sword with a gemstone set into a pommel is mentioned, for example, in the Old Czech poem O Jetřichovi Berúnském, which falls within the scope of Czech knightly epics. The poem was undoubtedly written in the second half of the 14 th c., but its only surviving record dates back to 1472, when it was included in the well-known collection of Old Bohemian literary pieces known as the Sborník hraběte Baworowského (cf. Pražák 1986, 408, 409). The author, partly depending on a german model, describes in detail the richly decorated weapons and equipment of Lavrin, the legendary hero and king of the elves, who guards the mountain rose garden, which was ravaged by the main antagonist of the poem. As part of the description of their violent clash, we also find a passage about Lavrin's sword: "Měl také meč jeden/jímž jest porazil boj nejeden/To zajisté vědě/že jest byl širok na piedě/Sekl jím ocel i kamenie/o němž nechám pravenie/Jilci i hlava se velmi stkvieše/v mečové hlavě bazant bieše/ drahý pro skúpost nemál/Ten meč za tři země stál" 6 (Petrů/ Marečková 1984, 205). According to this quotation, the pommel of the Lavrin's sword was decorated with basalt, which is an Old Bohemian synonym for hyacinth, i.e. a gemstone variety of zircon.
Interesting and probably also of some importance is the fact that many of the surviving gemstone inserts appear in combination with the depiction of a coat of arms of the original weapon owner. The pommels are thus provided on one side with gemstone inserts and on the other with coats of arms created by various decorative techniques (e.g. Baptiste 2016, 140). This can be demonstrated, for example, on the sword attributed to King Edward III of England. The sword, reportedly dated to the mid-14 th c., has a circular iron pommel that is heavily gilded; one side of its central disc is decorated with the monarch's coat of arms, while the other side is provided with a chalcedony insert covering a relic in the form of a piece of fabric. The blade of the sword bears the motto of the 'Order of the garter' founded by Edward III (Fig.  10: 1; Biborski/Stępiński /Żabiński 2011, 130, fig. 45: E;Oakeshott 2000a, 268 -302). Also, a luxurious sword dated to the first half of the 14 th c. and held in the collections of the Museo Arqueológico Nacional in Madrid has a pommel whose central disc is on one side provided with an enamel insert depicting a coat of arms with a charge in the form of a 'fleur-de-lys'. Although the former gemstone insert is missing on the other side of the pommel, with regard to the relief decoration at the bottom of the depression, it is most likely possible to assume that the former insert was made of some transparent material (Biborski/ Stępiński /Żabiński 2011, 134, fig. 50; Hoffmeyer 1982, 188, fig. 65). A rock crystal or chalcedony insert covering a relic in the form of a bone or wood fragment also adorns the central disc of the pommel of a richly decorated sword, which, due to the coat of arms depicted in enamel on the other side of the pommel, is attributed to the de Dreux family and dated to the second half of the 13 th c. However, the relic set into the pommel of this sword does not necessarily have a purely Christian content, but may to some extent refer to the mythical origin of the name of the family and its family seat ( Fig. 10: 2; Biborski/Stępiński /Żabiński 2011, 133, fig. 49;Laking 1920Oakeshott 2002a, 86;2002b).
There are some doubts about the authenticity of some of these weapons, but if we recognise them as genuine, we could hypothetically also assign the find from Klamoš to this group of swords. If we accept the theory that the pommel of this sword was originally provided with a gemstone or glass insert covering a small relic, this weapon could also bear a second decorative element in the form of a heraldic shield. One side of the pommel, unfortunately, the more damaged of the two, shows an indistinct, and eccentrically placed depression lined with distinctive edges (Fig. 4). Since these peripheral edges abut each other at relatively acute angles, it seems that this could be a recess intended for an insert in the shape of a heraldic shield, which is missing today. The coats of arms did not always have to be depicted in enamel, which can generally be considered as a product of specialised workshops. 7 we also encounter a relatively simpler way of depicting the shields as inlaid metal sheets, which, in contrast to the enamelled decoration, could be accomplished by almost any craftsman. Nevertheless, even such swords area unique finds (e.g. Hoffmeyer 1954, 25, pl. 23: d). No single find has been documented from Czech territory, but a long-sword decorated in this way was found near the Moravian border in the Váh riverbed near Hlohovec ( Fig. 11; Hošek/Košta /Žákovský 2020;Novosedlík 2002, 143, fig. 103).
However, whether such an insert could also be applied to the sword from Klamoš is a difficult-toanswer question, especially regarding the possibilities of attaching the insert to the pommel. A shieldshaped insert would entirely cover the recess of the central disc, so that anchoring the insert into the disc surface would be both very technically demanding and, probably, very unstable. Besides, the depression contained traces of non-ferrous metal, which either leaked there while inlaying the other parts of the pommel, or the inner surface of the depression was intentionally lined for aesthetic reasons. In the latter case, however, covering the lined recess with a shield-shaped insert would be meaningless. This situation could be explained only by the fact that the originally intended concept of the decoration was changed during the production of the pommel (more precisely, after the pommel's shape was completed).
If we accepted both of the hypotheses about the original decoration of the sword pommel from Klamoš, we would be dealing with a weapon whose decorative concept is known from other, mostly very richly decorated swords from the mid-13 th to 14 th c. The combination of placing a relic on one side of the pommel and a family coat of arms on the other would make it possible to interpret the weapon from Klamoš as a family (ancestral) sword. After some time, such significantly sacralised weapons themselves became relics or ancestral memorabilia. In this context, the sword was perceived as a legible and generally understandable attribute in social communication, as it publicly demonstrated the affiliation of an individual to a specific and exclusive group of a hierarchically organised society.
we needn't doubt that a sword was often perceived as an important memorial medium in the Bohemian and Moravian milieu, as this is evidenced in many written sources. For example, in the Czech poem Rada otce synovi from the turn of the 15 th c., an old knight passes on his life experience to his son leaving home and bequeaths him his sword and spear as insignia of knighthood "ve věrnej vieře, zda bych na tobě rytieře dočekal z mého plemene" (Iwańczak 2001, 95;Macek 1994, 97;Patera 1892, 395). A sword is clearly mentioned here as both a statutory symbol and a memorial medium. This coexistence of two symbolic meanings was relatively common in the western Christian world, and at the time there were certainly many so-called ancestral swords held by aristocratic families who expressed their affiliation to the chivalric community. These weapons, undoubtedly richly decorated, were bearers of ancestral memory and as such have been held in ancestral armouries for centuries. Noteworthy is a 1512 record mentioning a sword as a memorial medium in the Czech aristocratic environment. we learn from the record that Natanael Černín of Chudenice sued his relative Bohunek Černín of Chudenice over such a sword at the Chamber Court. One of the witnesses, Jan Hnízdo from Lomnice, was to have testified, 7 More frequently, coats of arms depicted in relief appear on pommels cast from non-ferrous metals (cf. Ashley 2011). In many cases, the heraldic relief decoration was applied to the plated pommel surface; one example is a magnificent ceremonial sword from the first half of the 15th c. from the former famous Meyrick collection, which is richly engraved on both sides of the gilded silver-plated pommel and the central depressions bear the coats of arms of Battle Abbey made in relief (Paton 1875, 463, 464, 473, 474, pl. XVI; Skelton 1854, pl. CI: 2). among other things, that, "To mi jest v paměti když sem sloužil u pana Věňka Černína, že sem nosil ten meč, o kterýž se oni pohánějí, za panem Věňkem. A pan Věněk pravil, že jest to meč byl otce mého, a cožkoli mám, že jest toho všeho muoj otec dobyl tiem mečem" (AČ 19, 123, no. 2237). This documents that a sword could be perceived in an aristocratic environment as an important bearer of family memory and identity, and should therefore be kept as family property (cf . Šimůnek 2013, 298). This practice is probably reflected in a certain phenomenon we encounter especially during the 13 th to 15 th c.; graves of elites furnished with swords. The swords were undoubtedly intended to visualise the high status of the deceased, including their power and judicial authority (e.g. Meier 2002, 147, 148). However, it is very interesting that swords were buried mainly in graves of individuals without male descendants, so the burial deposition of a sword, sometimes after the weapon was ritually broken, could to some extent symbolise the extinction of the lineage. In these cases, there was no male heir who could inherit such a sword together with the succession (cf. Schulze-Dörrlamm 2019, 149 -151). This theory could also be supported by a long-sword found in 1996 during the archaeological investigation of the church presbytery at the former Dominican monastery in Racibórz, Silesia. This sword, found in the tomb attributed to Duke walentyn of Racibórz, the last of his dynasty, was ritually broken after his death in 1521 (e.g. Biborski/Stępiński /Żabiński 2004). In this context, we can also mention the 1611 grave furnishings of the last of the Rosenbergs, Petr Vok. According to written sources, a sword and a bag with his personal seal were to have been deposited in his grave (Král 2004, 174).
Hence, if our interpretation of the find from Klamoš as a family sword is correct, it is a great pity we will never find out under what circumstances the sword entered the archaeological context in which it was found. It can only be said in general that, based on the find circumstances, the sword can be assigned to a large group of weapons, which can most likely be considered accidental losses related to traffic on roads, etc. (cf. Hošek/Košta/Žákovský 2020). Therefore, one cannot rule out the possibility that the sword has no closer connection to the region in which it was discovered because it could be lost accidentally by someone who only by chance passed through the place. In any case, the sword occupies an important position among high and late medieval swords from Czech territory.

The technique of decoration of the sword from Klamoš
From a technological point of view, the decoration of both the pommel and blade was based on the spread of a melt of contrasting metal (in our case copper alloys) over the motifs in relief with a subsequent (after cooling) removal (grinding, burnishing) of the overlaying surplus from the base-object surface so that the contrasting metal remains only in the recesses. The result is a sort of inlay that we call here a 'molten-metal inlay'. Unlike in the case of inlaid wires or metal-sheet items, the inlaid metal is not held in the recesses mechanically but fused to the substrate, i.e., attached by a thin intermetallic layer (also known as the diffusion layer) formed by the reaction between the substrate and the molten metal during the 'inlaying' process. In the case of the sword from Klamoš, we can estimate the composition of the copper alloys employed only approximately; the pommel is inlaid with bronze, the blade with brass (the zinc content is roughly 20% (perhaps even more); see Tab Although the paragraphs above fully suffice in explaining how the sword from Klamoš was inlaid, both the statement itself and the 'molten-metal inlaying' technique undoubtedly require a more thorough analysis. First, let us start with the issue of inlaying metals in general.
Inlaying was generally one of the most popular decorative techniques in the Middle Ages, when materials of various colours were applied to incised or punched grooves or depressions of a base object, creating a colourful, optically contrasting surface decor. when a vitreous filler was used, we speak of enamelling, specifically of 'Champlevé' enamelling. Another variant of non-metallic inlay was 'niello', based on the application of a mixture of silver, copper and lead sulphides; however, niello was used mainly for silver objects. Both of these techniques, niello and enamelling 'Champlevé', were technologically similar, as the filling matter had to be fired to melt in the recesses (Filip 1941, 98, 103). In contrast, when wires or metal-sheet components are inlaid, these are set into recesses without the use of heat (cf. Filip 1941, 117;Untracht 1998, 304;Wolters 1997, 510), i.e., the filling metal is held in the recesses mechanically. However, in this case, the depressions or grooves must have a specific profile (Fig. 12: B). It is the creation of such specifically profiled grooves and hollows that makes this inlaying technique time-consuming and requiring high craftsmanship experience (e.g. Bárta 2011). In the scientific literature, especially sources devoted to weapons and written in languages strictly distinguishing between a mechanically attached metal inlay (e.g. 'tauzie' in Czech, 'Tauschiere' in german) and a 'molten-metal inlay', the metal inlays are mostly considered (or at least described) to be the 'mechanically-attached' variant (Wolters 1997, 511). Therefore, the first question we have to deal with is whether the pommel and the blade of the sword from Klamoš are inlaid with metal mechanically held in the recesses. Some details that would unlikely appear in such a case speak against it.
First, from a craftsmanship point of view, a significantly simpler method could be used to achieve the same decorative effect; to fuse the colour-contrasting metal into the created recesses. In that case, time otherwise needed for the laborious preparation of both wires or metal-sheet components of the desired shape and specifically profiled recesses requiring the use of specifically adapted tools would be saved. This 'molten-metal' technique is still used in Oriental bladesmithing and its Turkish designation was translated by A. Feuerbach (2014, 249) as the 'stamp-melt method'. It can be assumed that grooves prepared for 'molten-metal inlaying' would have a simple V-shaped profile (Žákovský et al. 2020, 374, fig. 13), as in that case they could be prepared most easily and quickly ( Fig. 12: A). Hence, this process of inlaying would consist of engraving or, more likely, punching or stamping the desired motif into the base object, sprinkling the spot with a mixture of the inlaying-metal filings and flux, and heating the mixture to the melting point. After cooling, the surface of the object would be burnished, leaving the fused metal only in the recesses and thus creating the intended decoration or motif. As follows from the above description, this technique is not suitable for applying precious metals, as this would inevitably lead to undesired losses of the valuable material during burnishing. In contrast, in the case of non-ferrous metals and their alloys, especially those whose hardness makes them difficult-to-inlay material for the wire-inlaying process (cf. Bárta 2011, 79), this simpler method is an advantageous option, and the inlaying process would be procedurally similar to champlevé enamelling.
But how could a 'molten-metal inlay' be distinguished from the standard wire inlay? It would be unambiguously and directly recognisable by inspecting the profile of the inlaid grooves; a V-shaped profile indicates the former variant while a rectangle-shaped profile indicates rather the latter one. Indirect evidence of wire inlaying is a uniform width of grooves independent of their depth, so the thickness of the inlaid lines visible on the surface is also uniform, regardless of the extent of removal or loss of the inlaid surface caused by burnishing or corrosion. In contrast, in the case of 'molten-metal inlay', the width of grooves gradually decreases towards their bottom (as the grooves are V-shaped), so the thickness of the inlaid lines varies depending on the original depth of the grooves and/or the extent to which the original inlaid surface was lowered.
In the case of a 'molten-metal inlay', the grooves may also be insufficiently filled, which may result in concave hollows with walls raising towards the groove edges due to the wettability of the molten Fig. 12. Difference in the profile of a groove. A -for wire inlay; B -for 'molten-metal inlay' (according to Žákovský et al. 2020, fig. 13).
inlaying metal. Can any of the phenomena be observed on the inlaid decoration of the pommel from Klamoš? Since the inspection of the groove profile is not possible in our case without a highly invasive intervention in the object, we must make do with indirect evidence. In particular, the variable thickness of the lines forming the crosses is clearly visible (Fig. 7). It is difficult to imagine that the crosses would be intentionally inlaid with wires of variable diameter, which would also require the use of chisels of corresponding width. Furthermore, one of the crescents shows a distinct depression of the above-described morphology, which is, in addition, partially filled with corrosion products of iron, indicating the insufficient filling of the recess with the inlaying metal (Fig. 13). Based on the facts above, it can be hypothesised that the decoration of the pommel is a 'molten-metal inlay'.
To verify the above hypothesis in practice, a replica of the pommel was forged, including the punchedthrough tang-hole, and its ground surface was, according to the original decoration, provided with stamped crosses and crescents (Fig. 14: 1). The pommel was then heated up in a hearth and sprinkled with copper filings and flux until their melt covered the entire surface of the first side. Then, the pommel was turned upside down and the same process was repeated, with an iron ring also being brazed with the inlaying metal because the hypothetical reliquary variant of the pommel was required. After burnishing the surface, the inlaid crosses and crescents are relatively well visible, and to enhance their visibility, their edges could be further highlighted with lines of fine punched dots (Fig. 15). If we were to evaluate the degree of similarity of the replica with the original, the appearance of the crosses is the most different. In the case of the replica, the crosses have tapering arms, which is caused by the removal of the surface layers during the burnishing; the appearance of these crosses is, therefore, closer to a four-point star. we do not observe this arm-thickness change on the original pommel. Thus, it seems that the crosses were hollowed out by a different tool than that used for the replica. They were probably not stamped by a single blow of a cross-shaped punch, but each arm was punched separately using a conventional flat-blade punch. The effect of the incomplete filling of the punched recesses is clearly visible on the replica ( Fig. 13: 2, 4). The experiment also confirmed that 'molten-metal inlaying' is much faster and simpler compared to wire inlaying, as creating the entire decoration took four hours of work, while the time needed for the wire inlaying can be estimated at about 40 hours, aside from the need for special tools and considerable experience. On the other hand, compared to the wire inlay, the 'molten-metal inlay' is much less precise in the details. Especially for three-dimensional objects, such as the pommel from Klamoš, it is not possible to reliably ensure the precise filling of all recesses of the décor or the exact preservation of the intended shape. The appearance of the decoration may therefore be altered due to surface oxidation, which takes place as the object is heated to the inlaying temperatures or due to removal of the surface layers during the burnishing the object surface.
However, this does not apply to relatively flat blades, in the case of which the 'molten-metal inlaying' method should not create any problems. The maker's marks revealed on the sword from Klamoš are poorly preserved (Fig. 16), but there are many other blades whose inlaid marks are preserved well or at least in much better condition. Proof that 'molten-metal inlaying' was also the technique applied on blades then lies in the profile of the grooves that are empty in places; in the case of weapons maintained in living culture, these are demonstrably V-shaped, which excludes the wire inlay.

conclusion
The sword found in 2015/2016 in a forest in the cadastral territory of Klamoš (East Bohemia) can be classified as a long-sword of Oakeshott Type XIIIa, J, 2, and as such dated from the late 13 th to mid-14 th c. As an amateur metal-detector find, the weapon was handed over to the Museum of East Bohemia in Hradec Králové, but its conservation survey and treatment took place in the laboratories of the Institute of Archaeology of the Czech Academy of Sciences in Brno, where the unique decoration of the pommel was revealed. The central discs as well as the sidewalls of the pommel bear equilateral crosses and crescents inlaid with copper. Traces of copper are also visible elsewhere on the surface of the central discs, especially in the area of the central depressions. Remnants of inlays, this time of brass, were also found in both of the blade fullers, where they formed maker's marks that are difficult to identify today.
A detailed survey of the sword has made it possible to describe a variant of inlaying which has not yet become widely known to scholars involved in the research of medieval European arms and armour. It is a variant of inlaying iron with non-ferrous metals, which can be called 'molten-metal inlaying'. It is a technique related to champlevé enamelling, but instead of glass, a non-ferrous metal is used as the inlaying material. From the craftsman's perspective, the 'molten-metal inlaying' is a blacksmithlocksmith technique which, though rather primitive, can to a certain extent substitute more demanding and sophisticated methods, especially wire/sheet-metal inlaying. The aim was probably to imitate lavish wire-inlaid objects by using a technology that accelerates the inlaying process without the need for wellexperienced craftsmen, thus significantly lowering production costs. As a result, this technique made it Fig. 14. Special tools used in the production of the replicas. 1 -punches used for decorating the replica of the pommel from Klamoš; 2 -punches used for decorating the replica of the blade of the magistrate's sword held at Buchlov State Castle. Photo by P. Bárta. Fig. 15. The process of making a replica of the pommel from Klamoš. 1 -the pommel as forged; 2 -the pommel after filing with punched decoration; 3 -the pommel just after the 'molten-metal inlay' was applied; 4 -the inlaid pommel after smoothing the surface; 5 -the pommel after fitting the possible glass insert and highlighting the outline of inlays with tiny punched dots. Photo by P. Bárta. possible to satisfy the demand for lavishly decorated weapons even among the less wealthy members of elites at the time. Thanks to the significant shortening of the production time, many more produced items could be provided with such decoration.
From a formal point of view, due to the pommel decoration, to date unique in its details, the find from Klamoš is related to a specific group of long-swords whose pommels are decorated with various forms of crosses or other Christian symbols. Despite these symbols, the possible connection of these weapons to a specific environment (knightly orders) or specific historical events (crusades) seems debatable. The decoration of the pommel from Klamoš, the exact symbolic meaning of which remains an enigma, differs from that seen on other swords by the presence of inlays over essentially the entire surface of the pommel and the existence of depressions situated roughly in the middle of the central discs. Both the outline and documented original brass lining of these depressions could indicate that at least one of them might have originally been intended for a relic or fragment of a memorial object sealed under a transparent mineral or glass cover. Pommels constructed in this manner and provided with a fragment of a family memorial object or a relic of a religious nature are documented on a number of preserved high medieval swords. Most of these weapons were provided with the family coats of arms on the opposite side of the pommel, which cannot be completely ruled out even in the case of the sword from Klamoš.
If our considerations on the form of decoration of the pommel from Klamoš are more or less correct, we can hypothetically classify the weapon among ancestral swords, which were, as we know, e.g. from contemporary written sources of Czech provenance, passed down from generation to generation in many aristocratic families as a symbol and bearer of family memory and identity. In this context, it is particularly unfortunate that we will never find out under what circumstances this luxury weapon left the living culture.